The officials said one central concept connects a number of the court’s opinions. The judges have concluded that the mere collection of enormous volumes of “metadata” — facts like the time of phone calls and the numbers dialed, but not the content of conversations — does not violate the Fourth Amendment, as long as the government establishes a valid reason under national security regulations before taking the next step of actually examining the contents of an American’s communications.
This concept is rooted partly in the “special needs” provision the court has embraced. “The basic idea is that it’s O.K. to create this huge pond of data,” a third official said, “but you have to establish a reason to stick your pole in the water and start fishing.”
"Fishing" being the operative word. I'd love to understand the internal reasoning these judges have embraced to allow this to happen (as the court is the last defender of the constitution), but I fear it's little more than unchecked power/stupidity.
What 11 judges nominated by Roberts, 10 of them appointed by Republican presidents, and anyone thinks they'll tell DoD no? Surely you jest. They're not a rubber stamp. They're cheerleaders.
"IM conversations aren't like mailed letters- when they're received, they disappear forever. So it's vitally important that we gather all the information that we can before it disappears, so that we can later use it in intelligence efforts"
That's probably the start of how I'd sell it. Exploit the judges (probable) lack of technical understanding, prioritise the urgency involved. Ta-da!
Well, the interesting thing about this justification for storing metadata is that if you accept it, there's absolutely no reason it shouldn't apply to contents too. If you're allowed to store data indefinitely because only access to the data should be controlled, and you trust politicians and intelligence services not to abuse that power, why not do the same with all data? If you have control over access and the data will only be used in approved ways, why not just store everything and decide later what you can access?
Metadata is just as dangerous as content, and frankly I think the only reason content hasn't been stored is that it is a difficult technical challenge, and they don't yet have the capacity. Indeed, we've seen proof that the UK is already doing this for as much data as they can manage, without the permission of any of the US citizens whose data they collect wholesale in transit and send back to the NSA.
The massive danger here, which Snowden pointed out, is that if you store this information, policies can easily change in future to allow access (as they have done already with metadata), and at that point nothing can be done, because the information is already available, just waiting to be used, and going back decades. By allowing collection, you're trusting not just the current politicians, but every conceivable politician and intelligence agency over the next few decades or centuries, and all the foreign intelligence agencies and politicians that the information is shared with. These policies are of course secret, so we'd have no idea if they have changed or what they have started to use.
You also have an exponential growth of classified information which you have to try to keep protected, even as you expand the number of people managing it into the hundreds of thousands to deal with the ever-increasing technical demands of storing and cataloguing it. That's going to lead to leaks to the public and also to foreign agencies, and if the ambition is to store all signals eventually we'd get to a point where no-one has any privacy as it is impossible to keep a store of that size secret and contained.
The only answer I personally find acceptable and practical is to forbid storage of the information in the first place, restrict spying to clearly defined targets with proper judicial oversight of individual cases, and limit the time it is stored.
I'm going to take that article with a pinch of salt until Greenwald shows the evidence. It's entirely possible that a phone tapping technology + the vast new NSA data centre = "the ability to tap a billion calls a day". How many do they actually tap is the operative question here.
The original leaks were compromised by a lack of technical understanding stemming from the presentation slides we all saw, so I'll wait and see what he is basing this claim on first.
It is reasonable to say "why would they build the capacity if they don't intend to use it?" In fact it is reasonable enough given the cost that the onus of "they won't use it to it's fullest" is a claim you have to defend with evidence.
This counter "argument" doesn't pass the laugh test. Building capacity for more than a few years in computer equipment just doesn't make sense. You need to provide evidence for your claim that they are reasonable, and not abusing the power. The evidence exists to conclude the expanded spying program. There is literally 0 evidence for your claims that the extent is not abusive. Therefore you instead must provide evidence for your unbelievable claim.
I would have thought that your "laugh test" would help you realise that I wasn't being serious- the fact that started with "maybe" should also have indicated that I wasn't making a strong suggestion.
The point is, if there is evidence then Greenwald should release it, rather than let us infer meaning from his (previously proven to be technically inaccurate) statements.
There is literally 0 evidence for your claims that the extent is not abusive. Therefore you instead must provide evidence for your unbelievable claim.
No. You are asking me to prove a negative, which is not possible. What I am asking for is proof that it is abusive, something easily provable, especially if you have evidence to hand already.
And of course it is only fitting that access to the information collected is all for sale to the Carlyle Groups of the world and their portfolio companies like BAH.
"A common misconception is that an analyst must review the content of communications between people in order to establish a link between them. In fact, an NSA analyst would regard a person's association and the persistence of that association with other persons as being of greater relevance to a determination of whether the person is a member of a Community of Interest than the actual words used in a series of communcations." - J. Kirk Wiebe, former NSA employee in his sworn Declaration in Jewel v. NSA, September 28, 2012
https://www.eff.org/sites/default/files/filenode/wiebedeclar...
I think people fail to realise that the "metadata" would actually be the "damning evidence" that innocent citizens should fear, not the content of their communications. It's like a nationwide pen register. But no one needs to be identified as a suspect (that deserves to have her call records inspected). Everyone is a suspect, by default. They have all call records for every American. Crazy.
It's worth noting that this article by David Simon was written on June 7th, purely in reaction to the leaked information about Verizon metadata being collected. As more information about PRISM became available, Simon acknowledge that the leaks did point to something more serious than he had acknowledged in his original post [1].
With that context in mind, I still think it's worth reading Simon's original post that you linked to. He's a very articulate writer who has clearly shown he's no puppet of the establishment through his work on shows like The Wire.
His basic point seems to be that the government should be allowed to do it as long as we don't hear about any specific abuses. There are two problems. The first is the one he points out: when everything is classified and anyone who notifies the public is subject to the treatment given to Manning and Snowden, even finding out about the abuses much less holding those responsible accountable is extraordinarily difficult. The second problem is that the really bad abuses of an accumulation of power like this are so bad that we can't just wait until they happen before we do anything about it.
He also says some questionable stuff. Like this:
>We asked for this. We did so because we measured the reach and possible overreach of law enforcement against the risks of terrorism and made a conscious choice.
Everyone in Congress who read the Patriot Act before voting on it voted against it. So no, we didn't. We had a gut reaction to a tragedy, somebody pulled a defense contractor wish list out of a drawer and they passed it in a moment of sorrow and anger. The country is only now starting to reach the point that we can have a rational conversation about anti-terrorism without the pain of a recent tragedy allowing self-interested warmongers to goad us into an overreaction, and it's time that we seriously reevaluate what we allow the government to do on our behalf.
And I'm reminded of what John Oliver said hosting the Daily Show when all of this came out: "I think you're misunderstanding the perceived problem here, Mr. President. No one is saying you broke any laws. We're just saying it's a little bit weird that you didn't have to."
In fairness, I don't think that's Simon's point. I think his point is, the government should be allowed to do things like they did on 'The Wire' as long as there is due process, i.e. independent oversight, transparent criteria, ability to change the criteria through a democratic process. And yeah, we did ask for it because we knew about AT&T secret rooms and there was no outrage. Until we demand public hearings about exactly what is going on and what constitutes due process we're still asking for it.
There are also a number of extenuating differences between his Baltimore example and PRISM, the most critical being that the recording of data in Baltimore was limited both in time and scope by the case it was being collected for. Presumably once the investigators either caught the culprit or gave up on doing so, the payphone taps were removed. They also were only allowed to tap phones they thought might be relevant to that particular investigation. The war on terrorism used to justify mass wiretapping, on the other hand, will literally go on forever and relevant data could be anywhere. Terrorism is not an enemy that can plausibly be captured or defeated (like a drug dealer or the Nazis), nor is it localized to a few city blocks or ISPs or websites, therefore there is no limit on how long this data will need to be collected for or what sort of data might be required.
I'm all for brief and limited surveillance authorized by warrants tied to a specific case (e.g. his Baltimore example), what I find unacceptable about PRISM is exactly the thing Simon glosses over as irrelevant, its scale: virtually unlimited in both duration and scope.
I also disagree with his premise that the data is too big for innocents to be caught in a dragnet. Has he never seen a heat map or a histogram? There are ways to characterize big data that can lead to false positives in the analysis.
Additionally, an easy abuse of the system would be to look for people doing embarrassing things and link it to those people for later political blackmail or other neutralization. We don't have evidence that this has occurred, but I think it was indicated that the audit trails and other civil liberties protections were not implemented well in these systems.
Reason? Yeah, that's the power of the bogey man word "terror". So, no matter what, the government have that as a get out of jail free card. What ever the situation, they will always cite "terror" as an excuse for every and any excess.
reasons = ['I\'m hungry', 'boss is hungry', 'wife is hungry']
The people at the analyst level making these decisions are suffering under the strain of increasing economic disparity just as much as you and I. And if fishing returns the occasional fish, that will relieve their distress, however temporarily.
That jumped out at me as well. I think the most amazing thing is how arbitrary this all is. The court tries to make it appear is if they have 'guiding principles', but it strikes me much more as 'patterns that appear to hold in retrospect while we make this up as we go'.
There can be no "consent of the governed" when "We the People" are unaware of the actions which our elected, as well as non-elected, representatives perpetrate in Our name.
___Edit__
Yes, "unaware," as in "We the People" are perpetually "unaware" of what goes on in secret court proceedings.
Unaware? Mass surveillance has been going on for a long time, and everybody who cared to learn knew the immense scope. This is not a news revelation, it is a media campaign by parties who need something to talk about.
Consent of the governed is the problem. The U.S. Senate is directly elected, and the public paranoia wanted these broad pseudo-security measures.
Speaking of consent of the governed, why is the media saturated by Snowden-as-Bieber celebrity stories, and not election rigging by the IRS? Would you like to learn more?
Worked. When I was there I had the good fortune to mostly work on useful products, like non-fraudulent bomb detectors. (Mind you, I would cheerfully work on surveillance products.)
Just because it isn't totally new, doesn't make it a non-issue.
Blaming things on a stupid electorate just sounds like more justification of a totalitarian regime. Could it be possible that people need more information about what is going on in order to make better decisions? Let's err on the side of democracy please.
Half of Americans have an IQ under 100. Give them a sound bite about yellow cake uranium and they will line up to kill them some sandniggers. This is not an insult, just an experimental observation.
I would like to see government run something like grand juries. Randomly conscript a commission of intelligent, well-educated people to study some issue, and let them make policy. A non-democratic government need not be totalitarian.
Who could forget the calm, thorough, logical debate about liberty vs. security that took place in the media and congress, when these programs were passed?
U.S. political campaigns are conducted largely via tax-free contributions. Banning 1/3 of the advertisements and rallies most certainly is rigging an election.
There has never been any dearth of Tea Party content since it began. The media has been inundated with their point of view since the last presidential election. Money pours into their PACS. Nobody's stopped any TP group from running ads or rallies. Fox News is practically a Tea Party shill.
To suggest that somehow the Tea Party voice has been silenced or that their point of view hasn't been firmly established in American political consciousness is just absurd. They fail to gain traction because of the extremist nature of their views, not because the establishment is "keeping them down."
Winning elections is about getting out the vote, which is mostly a matter of money. PR firms and canvassers do not come cheap. When the IRS takes a third of your money, you lose a lot of votes.
So the people asked for something to be done without their knowledge? Uhhh.
why is the media saturated by Snowden-as-Bieber celebrity stories, and not election rigging by the IRS?
Why is it not saturated with mugshots of the people dying of starvation and thirst every minute? And why are the stories that matter, when they do get discussed, trolled with that argument? With that tool for tools, all you need is more than one issue that matters, and you can constantly bounce back and forth like a real champ.
Oh hell, this again? No you did not know. We did not know. We suspected. Only now, do any of us, not on the inside know.
Besides, if we accepted your argument, then replacing the word "surveillance" with the word "slavery" and we'd still have slaves.
I dont know if its just me, but public ignorance or consent is not an excuse not to behave well, or do the right thing. Sometimes, often even, the majority are simply wrong.
> In one of the court’s most important decisions, the judges have expanded the use in terrorism cases of a legal principle known as the “special needs” doctrine and carved out an exception to the Fourth Amendment’s requirement of a warrant for searches and seizures, the officials said.
This is political kabuki designed to make us think we have a representative government. We don't. We have an oligarchy composed of financial/industrial/military interests (as all oligarchies are) that runs the intelligence agencies of the government it owns.
The fact of the matter is that the NSA has always considered itself exempt from the law and the Constitution:
> "NSA does not have a statutory charter; its operational responsibilities are set forth exclusively in executive directives first issued in the 1950s. One of the questions which the Senate asked the Committee to consider was the "need for specific legislative authority to govern the operations of...the National Security Agency."
> According to NSA's General Counsel, no existing statutes control, limit, or define the signals intelligence activities of NSA. Further, the General Counsel asserts that the Fourth Amendment does not apply to NSA's interception of Americans' international communications for foreign intelligence purposes."
Excellent reporting by Eric Lichtblau based on "current and former officials familiar with the court’s classified decisions". One key point:
In one of the court’s most important decisions, the judges have expanded the use in terrorism cases of a legal principle known as the “special needs” doctrine and carved out an exception to the Fourth Amendment’s requirement of a warrant for searches and seizures, the officials said.
The special needs doctrine was originally established in 1989 by the Supreme Court in a ruling allowing the drug testing of railway workers, finding that a minimal intrusion on privacy was justified by the government’s need to combat an overriding public danger. Applying that concept more broadly, the FISA judges have ruled that the N.S.A.’s collection and examination of Americans’ communications data to track possible terrorists does not run afoul of the Fourth Amendment, the officials said.
Funny, I must have missed the part of the Fourth Amendment that carves out an exception for "special needs" or "overriding public danger." Hm, let's see:
"The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized."
Your problem is understandable!
An ordinary citizen can't be expected to
"see it"!
Seeing it takes special qualifications,
years and years of experience,
especially at the highest levels
of government,
many deep, secret arguments
and considerations, etc. Only
such very, very special people
can be expected to "see it".
In particular, those very, very
special people can read the
same words in the Fourth Amendment
you and I can read but, unlike
you and I, know that they, such
very, very special people, are
understanding the true meaning of
those words, true meaning, I'm sorry to
say, no insult intended, is just
beyond ordinary people such as
you and I.
But now aren't you glad that our
country, your privacy, and the Fourth
Amendment are being so well cared
for by such very, very special people,
people who can understand things,
e.g., the true meaning of the
Fourth Amendment, you and I can
never "see"?
Uh, oops, where did it put that extra
airline barf bag???
What is the point of a constitution if any judge/lawmaker can create loopholes around its most crucial articles in complete secrecy?
What is the point of a judiciary system that uses secrecy so easily while at the same time putting common people behind bars for perjury?
How can people think they are free when they can be subjected to "laws" they never heard about at any time?
To be honest, I'm not a citizen of the USA so I shouldn't care. But all that is increasingly appearing to be the norm around the world and it's becoming extremely worrying.
When a country abuses their own rules, the heads of state must be tried in an international (criminal) court. But no non-lawyer knows how to do it, so it never gets done.
You're right about it being the norm. The only way to stop it is to sue them. it's literally the only thing they understand.
There a lot of competition for seats
in the US House and Senate.
So, basically one thing we are waiting for
in the US is House and Senate candidates who
want to make speeches strongly in favor of
restoring the First and Fourth Amendments.
It would be good news if the present members
of the House and Senate would come out
strongly for the Constitution.
So, why not? Candidate reasons:
(1) Currently the Dems have the White
House and the Senate so don't want to
appear to claim that the situation is
rotten.
(2) Everyone in office is afraid of
being accused of being "soft on
terrorism". And if a politician gives
a speech saying we should restore
the full meaning of the First and
Fourth Amendments and another
loser, wacko, Jihader Boston bomber
kills/or injures some people,
then the politician's political opponents will
scream "soft on terrorism".
(3) While some people are quite concerned
about the NSA and Congress with the
Patriot Act, etc. trashing the
Constitution, likely and apparently so
far not enough people are raising hell.
(4) Somehow the political dynamics
in the US are strongly toward: Once
the US takes some step for national
security, reversing that step is
very difficult.
A big example was
Viet Nam: There the US went on and on and on
spending more and more and more and
right along, really, doing less well,
for a very long time.
How long? In the
late 1940s, the
US supported the return of the French.
When the French lost in, whenever,
1954, the US tried to prop up
a 'US friendly' Saigon. By Kennedy's
term starting in 1961, as Saigon
started to lose, Kennedy said some
of the right things:
"I don't think that unless a greater effort is made by the Government to win popular support that the war can be won out there. In the final analysis, it is their war. They are the ones who have to win it or lose it. We can help them, we can give them equipment, we can send our men out there as advisers, but they have to win it -- the people of Viet-Nam -- against the Communists. We are prepared to continue to assist them, but I don't think that the war can be won unless the people support the effort, and, in my opinion, in the last 2 months the Government has gotten out of touch with the people."
During his campaign, LBJ also said
some of the right things:
"We are not about to send American boys nine or ten thousand miles away from home to do what Asian boys ought to be doing for themselves."
Then, once in office, LBJ
wanted to win a "coon skin cap" and added
and added.
Then Nixon wanted only
to 'win' -- I know, "Peace with honor".
From about 1961 on, a growing fraction of
the US voters were very much against
the war and wanted, really, just, to, in a
single word, leave. In two words, leave
immediately. McGovern ran on that, and lost
badly.
The US demonstrations got
bigger and stronger. The 1968 Dem
convention in Chicago was a small war
in the streets. There were many
marches on DC. "Hay, hay, LBJ
how many kids have you killed today?".
Still the White House
and Congress wanted to "stay the course".
As we were actually losing and
people were hanging off the last
helicopters out of Saigon, President
Ford still wanted to send more money.
Gotta tell you, next to no one in
Congress or the White House wanted
out of Viet Nam. How'd we get out?
The requests for much more in
blood and treasure did fail in
Congress. Then the North Vietnamese
basically took South Viet Nam and
Saigon and drove us out.
Then, for the "war against terror",
the other side has no hope of
driving out the US like the North
Vietnamese did.
Viet Nam was the big example we
were never to repeat, but we did.
It didn't take much: A few
wacko Jihaders hijacked four
airplanes, and the US went
all wacko: We ruined our
airline system, trashed the
Constitution with the Patriot Act,
etc., occupied Iraq and
Afghanistan, and
stayed for well over 10
years.
Gulf War I was an exception:
There we remembered Viet Nam and
the fairly simple and obvious
lessons and applied them.
So, we asked what's the goal;
can we achieve it; how do we
achieve it; how do we get out?
Goal: Drive Saddam
out of Kuwait. How to achieve it:
Have the Saudis give the US
space for some airfields.
For a few weeks, run one heck of
an air campaign against the Iraqi
forces. During that time, build
up some ground forces. Then,
release the ground forces
into the Iraqi desert west of
Kuwait for a big left hook,
cut off Iraqi access to Kuwait,
and kill off the caught
Iraqis, all in just 100 hours.
Invite the Iraqi military leaders
to a tent, make them an offer
they can't refuse, have them
sign, and then mostly just
leave. It worked as planned.
With that success, for Gulf War II
it was back to Viet Nam style
many years of badly conceived
mud wrestling. Similarly in
Afghanistan.
Net, again, once the US
decides to pursue some such a national
security effort, we
go for years and years
pursuing nonsense goals,
being silly and ineffective,
and just will not
see, say, and act on the
obvious -- leave.
More generally, the US wants to
police the world. When the world
doesn't look nice enough to
justify the police effort, the
response is more time, blood,
and treasure for more policing believing that
less police work would yield
a disaster.
Alas, we ignore
the lesson of Viet Nam:
We couldn't have lost any worse
than we did, both militarily
(at the level at which we fought the war)
or politically. Politically? We never
could find anyone who could run
the South from Saigon. So, with that
big loss, what's happened? Did the
world collapse? Did dominoes fall
from SE Asia, east, all the way across
the Pacific and land in Malibu? Did
Thailand, Burma, Indonesia,
Australia, Singapore, the Philippines,
Taiwan, Guam, etc. fall? Did Peking
and/or Moscow dominate SE Asia?
Heck no. Instead now Viet Nam
is doing well making, e.g., Brother
laser printers. The US should be
totally thrilled with Viet Nam.
Likely and apparently the US
could have had that outcome in
1947, 1954, ....
Bluntly, the US military and State
Department, etc. just do not know
how to do nation building. E.g.,
in Saigon we didn't know how to
pick an effective leader. Apparently the
situation is the same in Kabul.
One
reason is domestic US politics: So,
if the nation building doesn't try to
make the place look like Peoria,
or some TV sitcom (Green Acres), then US politics
gets all fired up. E.g., the US
goes into a very traditional Muslim
country and, for domestic US
feminist politics, tries to
educate the girls and
have sexual equality, all of which
is in wild conflict with
social mores going back
a few hundred years. We want
them to have a constitution,
a parliament, free elections,
modern laws, a judicial system,
roads, bridges, schools,
hospitals, etc. Meanwhile the
US loses out to some indigenous
leaders who promise no such things.
They have a way of doing things
over there. That's not the US
way, and we don't like it.
But, we are total fools if we
believe we can change their
ways to being like our ways
and more foolish if we believe that
they will like our efforts at doing so.
Instead, if we are to work in
such a country, then we need to
accept, understand, and work
with their ways of doing things.
And, yes, that might mean that
don't send the girls to school.
And it might mean that structures
of power and leadership selected by
means not
close to free elections.
Whatever, the US needs to make its
policing efforts fast and effective
and then leave.
Politicians need to speak something
closer to the truth to the US
voters and not promise
to pursue foreign adventures
to create shining cities on hilltops.
Until the US starts to look at
reality and become effective,
the US will continue to waste
time, treasure, blood, the
US Constitution, domestic tranquility,
etc. In simple terms, on foreign
adventures, the US needs to
give it a rest, f'get about it,
back off, cool down, relax, and
then, something like it did after
Viet Nam, rethink.
For defending the US, do that
both more effectively and mostly
closer to home and without
nation building.
I'm not soft on terror or US foreign enemies: For
Afghanistan, I would have leveled
large areas of the place, all from the air, until
the Taliban desperately called for
peace at any price. But I wouldn't
set foot in the place. Similarly
for Saddam -- make him an offer
he couldn't refuse, with
B-2 bombers circling overhead just
for practice, but again not
set foot in the place. I wouldn't
give them schools; I wouldn't give
them so much as a short pencil.
Then I'd leave.
The need is to defend the US.
There's no need to trash the
US Constitution.
Millions of
US voters need to tell the politicians
in clear terms to stop the
brain-dead nonsense of
wasting US time, treasure, blood,
domestic tranquility, the domestic
economy, and the US Constitution,
wise up, and become effective.
The fourth amendment also doesn't have an exclusionary rule in its text
IE no part of it says if the police conduct an illegal search, they can't use that evidence against you.
Yet most people seem to get up in arms when Scalia/Thomas/whoever says that line of cases should be overruled, and that it's up to congress to pass laws to deal with police conduct
Can you explain what you think the drafters were thinking about when they added a prohibition against unreasonable searches and seizures? If the police can use evidence gained from unreasonable searches and seizures, why would anyone care about prohibiting them? If the government (say government based overseas to which your colnies owe allegiance) can "take your stuff" and convert it for their own ends (or perhaps destroy it), what good will a prohibition on "unreasonable searches and seizures" do you? After they've got your stuff and can use it however they wish (or destroy it), it's too late. The damage is done. The fact the search and seizure was unreasonable does you little good.
Is it the searches and seizures themselves that were undesired by the drafters? Or does it have something to do with what's taken and what happens to it afterwards?
The rule existed in traditional English Common law from long before the U.S. declared Independence.
Being that the Fourth Amendment itself was a reaction against General Warrants and Writs of Assistance, it's hard to imagine the founders would have wanted even less protection here than English law already provided
This is a great policy and common law argument.
But, much like the parent comment, can you point where in the text of the 4th amendment (or the constitution) where it says anything about an exclusionary rule?
Because if we are going to argue policy and common law, than we also have restrictions that don't appear in the text, but appeared in common law, as well.
Sure. I think we are mostly in violent agreement.
I'm actually not trying to argue that it's not a violation of the fourth amendment (i strongly believe it is). I'm arguing that the literal text of the fourth amendment alone is not, by itself, a great explanation of what it really means in today's world.
The reply I original made was to the argument that because 'overriding public danger' doesn't appear in the literal text of the 4th amendment, there can be no such exception.
As we've both gone through, the 4th amendment can't be viewed in a vacuum, or else it would be nonsensical.
So saying "i don't see where the literal text of the 4th amendment says that" doesn't seem to me a complete and total argument.
For example, it literally says nothing about anything but papers, persons, houses, and effects.
None of this explicitly covers phone calls, or even e-mail. You have to argue by analogy or inclusion in today's equivalent of papers or effects
It also only prevents unreasonable searches and seizures, and there is an argument to be made that "special needs" or "overriding public danger" make the searches not unreasonable.
I don't personally buy it, but ...
As you mention, there is also historical context on all sides to consider.
That is in fact, exactly my point. Saying "it ain't in the text" is even far past what textualism adherents do, and i'd venture to guess, would not make for a very useful statute construction philosophy.
I don't know what Supreme Court you've been watching, but it's not the modern US Supreme Court, which has made in unmistakably clear that the only time they'll apply it is when there is no colorable argument that the cops didn't know they were engaged in a fourth amendment violation. There is no effective exclusionary rule in the US anymore, it might as well not even exist.
Breaking rules has consequences. The 4th Amendment is a rule that says the government cannot conduct illegal searches. It should follow, then, that the consequences of a 4th Amendment violation include the inadmissibility of any evidence the violating search was used to gather. Otherwise it's not a rule.
Is this an interpretation of the word "unreasonable"? You're only protected against unreasonable searches and seizures, but if they deem collecting this data to be 'reasonable' then it wouldn't apply, if I'm reading it right. That said, I don't know much about the constitution (I'm from England, pip pip).
What do you think 'Supreme' means? The Supreme Court is where you take a case after you've been through the appellate courts. If this is your actual opinion rather than a typing error then you're unqualified to take part in this conversation.
However, some arguments here on HN
have started to convince me that
the SCOTUS role as 'supreme' or
'final' is not really correct and that
Jefferson saw this. Instead,
after the SCOTUS come the voters
who can tell Congress, e.g.,
"I don't care what the SCOTUS says.
I'm a citizen and a voter, and I
say that what the NSA has been
doing spying on US citizens
violates the Fourth Amendment,
and I want you to pass a law
throttling the NSA and
getting them honoring
the Fourth Amendment."
And if such a law is not enough,
then the citizens can
amend the Constitution.
It will be nice if some plaintiff
with standing to sue brings
a case before the SCOTUS and
wins. E.g., maybe a class action
on behalf of all 120 million or
so Verizon customers who had their
telephone metadata grabbed by the NSA.
Apparently Google is bringing a case.
Effectively, no judgement is ever really final. This is because, in a democracy, we must constantly acknowledge that our judgement could be wrong. Separation of powers, as you correctly describe it, manifests that acknowledgement by providing an avenue to contradict every action. Congress can pass a stupid law, but the President can refuse to sign it and the SCOTUS can deem it unconstitutional. The President can sign a stupid order, but Congress can impeach him. SCOTUS can make a stupid decision, but the President can refuse to acknowledge it and Congress can rewrite the rules.
It's not easy in any case, and there are a lot of hoops to jump through. Generally speaking, each branch declines to take their nuclear option by acknowledging the implicit threat available and compromising beforehand. Obamacare and DOMA are both recent and useful case studies for this interplay; ignore the content and the rhetoric and just look at the mechanics of what each entity did and when and why.
Yeah, but if the People get a law passed to say what they want, then the Attorney General declines to defend/enforce it, and then Supreme Court rules that the People don't have standing.
> (as the court is the last defender of the constitution)
and in part I was responding to that, and
other claims, that the SCOTUS is
the 'last word' or some such. And recently there
is a Jefferson quote on one of the related
threads here on HN where Jefferson
in effect says that the SCOTUS judges
are no less corrupt, etc. than people in
other branches of government. The
conclusion is that, really, the last word
and too often the crucial word on
what is constitutional has to
be the voters who tell Congress what
to do and/or push through a
constitutional amendment. So, I
was trying to be realistic and correct
about the real role of the SCOTUS
in protecting, say, the Fourth Amendment
and not to push politics.
In the Federal court system of the US, the Supreme Court is the top court.
That is NOT the case in all court systems, though. In the New York State courts, for instance, the Supreme Courts are the trial courts. They are below the Supreme Court, Appellate Dicision, which is below the Court of Appeals.
Thus, your argument that a court must be the top court because it has Supreme in its name is faulty.
Your implicit (and somewhat rude) argument was that D9u should have known the Supreme Court of the US is the top court because it is named the "Supreme" court.
The New York courts are relevant because they provide a counterexample that refutes your argument. You owe D9u an apology.
You happened to be right in your conclusion that the Supreme Court of the US is the top US court, but that is only because you already knew that and tried to construct your argument backward from the conclusion.
"The United States Courts of Appeals are considered among the most powerful and influential courts in the United States. Because of their ability to set legal precedent in regions that cover millions of people, the United States Courts of Appeals have strong policy influence on U.S. law; however, this political recognition is controversial. Moreover, because the U.S. Supreme Court chooses to hear fewer than 100 of the more than 10,000 cases filed with it annually, the United States Courts of Appeals serve as the final arbiter on most federal cases."
"Appellate jurisdiction has been conferred upon the Supreme Court by various statutes, under the authority given Congress by the Constitution. The basic statute effective at this time in conferring and controlling jurisdiction of the Supreme Court may be found in 28 U. S. C. section 1251 et seq., and various special statutes. -
Created by Congress in 1978 as a check against wiretapping
abuses by the government, the court meets in a secure,
nondescript room in the federal courthouse in
Washington. All of the current 11 judges, who serve
seven-year terms, were appointed to the special court by
Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., and 10 of them were
nominated to the bench by Republican presidents.
Why can't they change it to be effective? This seems to be the key point:
Geoffrey R. Stone, a professor of constitutional law at
the University of Chicago, said he was troubled by the idea
that the court is creating a significant body of law
without hearing from anyone outside the government,
forgoing the adversarial system that is a staple of the
American justice system. “That whole notion is missing in
this process,” he said.
But this isn't news. It's apparently been public knowledge since 2009, when the redacted Yahoo! ruling was released http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/14/technology/secret-court-ru... . That ruling (even the redacted version which was relased) clearly lays out and upholds the concept of the "special needs"-based foreign-intelligence exception to the US' Fourth Amendment:
2 . The Foreign Intelligence Exception . The recurrent theme permeating the petitioner's arguments is the notion that there is no foreign intelligence exception to the Fourth Amendment's Warrant Clause. 6 The FISC rejected this notion, positing that our decision in In re Sealed Case confirmed the existence of a foreign intelligence exception to the warrant requirement.
This ruling isn't secret, it's just been hiding in plain sight. Even after the NYT reported the Yahoo! connection to the verdict in an article which directly linked the ruling PDF, it was still apparently impossible to get people to read the ruling and see what it says about the Fourth Amendment for themselves. https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=5923606
It's obscene. Skinner (the railway case) and its brethren are concerned with either employees in certain sensitive jobs, and school children participating voluntary activities. Some of them go too far, in my opinion, but none can be read as justification for this kind of blanket operation covering the entire populace.
"The very word 'secrecy' is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths, and to secret proceedings." -- John F. Kennedy
Imagine you work at the NSA. Your boss comes through the door and says, "Hey, we just got approval to store the communications of everyone everywhere. We need the be able to cite credible suspicion before we can look at Americans' communications, though. What can you do for me?"
"Wait, we can intercept and store all the communications?"
"Yep, all of them."
"Because they might include ones that present a threat?"
"Yeah, that's it."
"OK. Well, what if we could narrow it down? What if we implemented a system to only scrutinize communications we thought were likely to be threats. That would be better, right?"
"Where are you going with this?"
"Well, we're already collecting everything, right? What if we went just a teensy bit further? What if we just added a step where we did semantic analysis of everything we collect? That way, we'd narrow down the stuff we were actually, you know, looking at to stuff we were already pretty sure was important."
"That's a GREAT idea!"
"Wait, I'm not finished. We could narrow it down even more if we maintained a graph of communications between everyone we know about. We want to affect the minimum number of people possible, right?"
"Well, we're worried about lone wolves too..."
"That's fine. We can get business records through the PATRIOT Act. We can make this a really fine-grained test. We can look for suspicious purchase patterns, medical conditions, attempts to avoid detection, you name it. What could possibly go wrong?"
In this case, however, a little-noticed provision in a 2008 law, expanding the definition of “foreign intelligence” to include “weapons of mass destruction,” was used to justify access to the message.
The court’s use of that language has allowed intelligence officials to get wider access to data and communication...
That is really, really scary when you include the fact that the term "weapon of mass destruction" has been so watered down as to now include even a freakin potato gun.
I do certification of high risk industrial installations for a living, and this story reminded me of one I heard about the Japanese Fukushima disaster.
One of the guys who does certification over there did some digging and found out that they had 3 sets of operating procedures for the plant: the independently reviewed and certified ones which would provide a high level of safe operation; the ones they didn't show anyone which was how they supposedly operated the plant day to day (cutting corners); and then the way they actually operated the plant, which was even less safe.
When I read stories about the FISA, they sound shocking, but they also sound a lot like Fukushima's 'second level' operating procedures. Bad, and an obvious sideshow, but not even close to what's really going on behind closed doors at the NSA.
Somehow I don't think the FISA court is fixing the problems it was created to fix. It seems to have been co-opted.
Hopefully, in something less than a decade, one of our legislators can find time in his busy money-raising schedule to discover how that happened. And then start a task-force to make meaningful recommendations.
In our country all laws have to be published in the "Staatsblad" (State-released paper/documents containing new businesses, laws, ...) So unless a law to allow secret laws was made we shouldn't have secret laws.
So that got me thinking, try outlawing secret laws ?
I don't think it's arguable that collecting every piece of data on every citizen could be a benefit to national security. It's just the associated cost to privacy that makes it utterly horrendous.
Maybe Stalin, Hitler, Himmler, J. E. Hoover,
the Stasi, etc. would all agree
that having all the data would help
them build a surveillance state
they would like.
Still, no matter who does/doesn't not
like having all that data collected,
for the Federal Government to
be able to demand that data strikes
me as a gross violation of the Fourth
Amendment.
Legal cases are being brought;
maybe a case will make it to the SCOTUS;
and maybe the SCOTUS will strike down
as unconstitutional the laws that
enabled such data collection.
I can't find anywhere in the Constitution
how nice would be to have a Stasi
surveillance state and have to
conclude that the US founding fathers
did not desire such a thing.
Anytime a clear majority of active voters
want to have this situation turned
around, around it will come, quickly.
Unfortunately they do not need scrutiny from the public, these judges (supposedly) are experts in constitutional law and the public (according to law) does not have any say in it.
The officials said one central concept connects a number of the court’s opinions. The judges have concluded that the mere collection of enormous volumes of “metadata” — facts like the time of phone calls and the numbers dialed, but not the content of conversations — does not violate the Fourth Amendment, as long as the government establishes a valid reason under national security regulations before taking the next step of actually examining the contents of an American’s communications.
This concept is rooted partly in the “special needs” provision the court has embraced. “The basic idea is that it’s O.K. to create this huge pond of data,” a third official said, “but you have to establish a reason to stick your pole in the water and start fishing.”